Category Archives: Journeys

Colombia’s Carousel of Corruption

I wanted to call this Colombia’s merry-go-round of corruption, but I found it to be too well-meaning and therefore taking away from the seriousness of the issue. Colombia is currently in the grips of startling revelations of illegal pay-outs, under the table payments, obscure campaign contributions and all linking to some of the most “respectable” and “connected” families in the country. So, where to begin in explaining this carousel of corruption?


Colombia’s Carousel of Corruption. No doubt I will have overlooked people and entities, but this gives you an idea of the complications to be faced here.


Bringing down a government in Brazil, implicating premiers, presidents (they’re coming for you Alejandro Toledo!) and all sorts of executives across the Americas and beyond, the scandals now surrounding Odebrecht have reached epic proportions. In Colombia alone pay-outs thus far revealed have taken down the former Minister of Transport Daniel Garcia Moreno (allegedly having received US$6.5 million) and politician Otto Bula (hailing from Cordoba Bula took over Mario Uribe’s seat, the latter being jailed for parapolitica. Bula is also signalled as being the “Ejecutivo de Cobros” by US authorities for the Oficina de Envigado. Bula’s empire extends through Cordoba, Sucre and into the Montes de María).

Only this last week accusations were flung at both President Juan Manuel Santos and his opponent in the 2014 elections Oscar Ivan Zuluaga of having received funds from Odebrecht towards their campaigns.  President Santos has ordered a speedy investigation and Zuluaga’s floundering political career seems to be in a serious free fall. Abandoned seemingly by his mentor, former President Alvaro Uribe, Zuluaga is reaching out for support everywhere.

But Odebrecht’s tentacles reach even further in Colombia. Their sister company, Navalena, opened up to oversee the project to make the Magdalena River navigable once again, has been up to no good as well. Having received a loan from Colombia’s Banco Agrario to the sum of COP 120,000 million (in 2015 when it was known that Odebrecht was in serious trouble) there are links in this carousel of corruption which should effectively rock the Colombian establishment to the core. This being Colombia, and you’ll excuse my cynicism, the issue will probably just mysteriously go away. But, it’s worth noting that the Minister for Agriculture Aurelio Iragorri and the Finance Minister Mauricio Cardenas are on the board of directors.


President Santos

President Santos in Mompos

Having been accused of allegedly receiving up to as much as one million dollars in his presidential campaign kitty from Odebrecht, President Santos is moving fast to quell all rumours. Whether he knew of the income remains to be seen, but, we must all never overlook the fact that the Ruta del Sol, the expansion of the Reficar Refinery in Cartagena (it has been said that Colombians are paying for this refinery 4 times over given the swindling which occurred), the dredging of the Magdalena River and more have all taken place under his watch. These are his politicians/ cabinet who are involved. As time rolls on it will become increasingly difficult for President Santos to remain untainted from this corruption fallout.


Alvaro Uribe Velez

That Uribe’s Centro Democratico party is calling for a law regarding corruption does seem laughable and set the twitter-sphere alight. One wonders how the former president and now Senator can divert attentions away from the business ventures belonging to his sons (Tomas and Geronimo, both named in the Panama Papers, both directors of off-shore panama-based companies, joint owners of a “free zone” outside of Bogotá – granted this status by the then Minister for finance Oscar Ivan Zuluaga and on a piece of land where current Bogotá Mayor Enrique Peñalosa is suggesting be linked to his expansion of Bogotá….you see where this is going right?).

Daniel Samper Ospina on twitter

There is so much to say about the carousel of corruption when Uribe’s name is mentioned that it almost becomes difficult to define how everything is connected. It was Uribe’s Minister of Transport who took the bribes, it was his Director of INVIAS (the Colombian infrastructure agency) Daniel Garcia Arizabaleta who oversaw the Odebrecht bid on the Ruta del Sol contract and of course his protégé who received monies, allegedly, in his campaign fund. Not to mention the “hacker-gate” scandals to name another issue.


Otto Bula

Otto Bula, taken from

This jewel of a man is connected to everything it seems. Bula was ushered in to Mario Uribe’s political seat in Cordoba (Mario Uribe is cousin to Alvaro Uribe) when the latter was jailed for seven years for parapolitica. Supposedly Bula received US$4.6 million from Odebrecht to pay off people and entities so as to win the Brazilian firm the contract for the Gamarra to Ocaña stretch of the Ruta del Sol. But, as if the aforementioned scandals weren’t already enough. Bula is implicated in the land grabs and forced displacement of entire communities in Cordoba, Sucre and the Montes de Maria. He has also been accused by the US Attorney General’s office as being the “Ejecutivo de Cobros” for the much feared Oficina de Envigado overseen by the equally terrifying Don Berna and Jose Bayron Piedrahita. Now, monies from Odebrecht supposedly passed through Bula and on to Zuluaga through an address owned by the Oficina de Envigado. I am certain that there is more to be revealed surrounding Bula in the future.

Tune in to my podcast on “Corruption in Colombia

All of this and we haven’t even touched on the Nulle family!

I think that most Bogotanos sighed deep relief once the three Nulle’s were sentenced to jail on corruption charges. We all remember the tragedy for the city that was the Calle 26. The Nulle’s were in the running for a great deal of contracts and we can just thank our lucky stars that these did not come about. Now, we know that the Nulles also had a meeting in 2008 with the Tomas and Geronimo Uribe in Panama…and who else was in attendance? André Rabello the director of Odebrecht in Panama. The Nulle family has close Barranquillero links to the Char family as well. And on the links grow.

If I were relating all of this verbally to you I would now be short of breath. But, what you can see is that the same names keep on popping up. This is without mentioning the Ardila Lulle empire which includes RCN television, NTC television, RCN Radio, Postobón drinks, Atlético Nacional football team in Medellin and Skinco Colombit S.A to name but a small percentage. Postobon is named as having made payments to the AUC paramilitaries and supposedly these links do not end here.


This was my first effort at the carousel of corruption flow chart!

We have not yet addressed the farce of the “Deprimido de la 94” and why this single work of construction initiated in 2009 has not been completed. We have been unable to address the issue of Mayor Enrique Peñalosa’s links with Transmilenio buses and his brother’s influence on Bogotá’s bollards. And then there’s the issue of the Universidad de Cesar which seems to be enjoying a permanent teacher’s strike…and yet the educators here are allegedly cashing cheques for 12 to 14 million pesos a month, or at least this is a rumour I have heard.


Oh Colombia! El pais del sagrado corazon, where the carousel of corruption keeps on spinning.


For more information about Colombia, be sure to tune in to the Colombia Calling weekly podcast available to download and stream online at iTunes, Stitcher and Soundcloud


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2017, Colombia’s Year of the Morrongo

I know, I know, I have been circulating this word for a few weeks now – Morrongo, but it’s the best, if not the only way, to spew out a gristly morsel of what lays ahead of us here in Colombia in 2017. This is Colombia’s Year of the Morrongo, or can I say…we are going to face a great deal of Morrongismo?


Etiqueta a un que creas morrongo


Tune in to my short intro podcast No 169 about the Year of the Morrongo on Colombia Calling.

First and foremost:

Tourism and Travel

I have addressed this issue on prior occasions on this website, but, this is as good a time as any to reignite the debate. Colombia, and rightly so, has been listed by Bloomberg, NatGeo, Lonely Planet, CNN and others as the place to visit in 2017. And, Colombia will benefit from this, speaking from my perspective as a small business owner here, the reservations for my little Casa Amarilla in Mompos have been through the roof, allowing us to improve and lathe down issues and perhaps even embark on further refurbishment and restorations.

The word is out about Colombia and about time too. With the Peso currently riding at 3000 to the US Dollar, hopefully all of this positive press and the favourable exchange rate can convert into more visitors from our neighbours to the north. And beyond Cartagena too! Just the mere mention of the peace agreement with the FARC after so many years should do the trick as a headline to entice more travelers down.

Where Colombia needs to pull herself up by her bootstraps or fall in to a Morrongo trap of saying that we offer top end and then deliver something significantly average.


Luxury travel and service

Just because we’re awesome and Colombia is incredible, breathtaking and surprising and every superlative available (infuriating too!), the tourism industry is not yet ready for the top-end and luxury market. And before I am trolled within an inch of my existence and end up looking like the skinless cadaver on “that” Robbie Williams music video – there are hotels, restaurants and travel agencies which do make the grade and admirably so. But, overall, we are not there.

Let’s keep on improving and not be drawn in to believing our own hype and that which is kindly written about us. We have to grow together, see the big picture and get it right in a steady and sustainable growth plan. And let’s not dupe our visitors either, explain the situation, clarify what Colombia is really about and sell them the real deal.


The Economy

You’ll have been on holiday or dead if you missed that a Tax Reform was passed – cynically some might add – on December 23 as we were all deep into Christmas mirth and not thinking of 2017. This tax reform is obviously needed, however, does it and will it address the country’s economy in the way we need it to? I don’t know. I suppose time will tell but for the moment VAT has now been increased from 16% to 19% and those evading paying their taxes are set to serve jail time. If a new reform is required in 2019, I think we’ll be able to class this one as a failure. The country needs to make up the shortfall from the drastic collapse in the oil market…and is banking on the “post conflict” period to encourage further foreign direct investment.

How will the economy be affected in a Morrongo fashion? Peace does mean investment, of course it does, or at least it will encourage some investment, but please don’t sell it as the whole package! Temper those expectations Messrs. Santos, Cardenas and co please! There will be economic growth over time.


The “Post Accord” or “Post Conflict” or perhaps “Post Peace” situation

I added that last term ironically, but if you want to use it…then I claim it now! Don’t hate me for saying this but there is never going to be a true “peace” in Colombia as we from the northern hemisphere interpret the term. Colombia can try to imitate a Scandinavian nation but will come off as a pale imitation at best. Like Panda Cola to Coca Cola. Things are going to be tough here in Colombia, there is already a heady game of misinformation underway between all sides about how the demobilization, disarmament and reintegration of the FARC is meant to take place. Expect more of this to occur in coming months, and in particular, watch out for “fake news” or better yet, dumb ass news meant to outrage us and cover up the real dramas damaging to the government.

Who is being Morrongo now? While Colombia and President Santos continue to enjoy the fortunes cast on a country and an individual for the Nobel Prize, nothing is being done to eradicate the systematic, calculated and unhindered assassinations of leftist community leaders across the country.



2017 is a campaign year. We know the identities of most of those in the running for the top job in 2018. The worst kept secret, so badly kept in fact that it was never secret is the inevitable run at the Presidency by current VP Vargas Lleras. One wouldn’t bet against him in any contest since he has been travelling the length and breadth of the country ostensibly on VP duties and using the opportunity to advance his position. You could say that ever since he was discharged from hospital he has been on an unofficial presidential campaign trail. The machinery behind his campaign is pretty formidable. That slap delivered to his driver in public came too early to damage his chances overall.

Claudia Lopez, a progressive business-like senator threw her hat into the ring early in January and while she may be popular amongst urban liberals, her image and name don’t hold much sway in the regions. Who will be the Uribista candidate…I suppose there’ll be a tussle between the former presidential candidate Oscar Ivan Zuluaga and the former Attorney General Alejandro Ordoñez. We can also expect the popular and efficient (housewives’ favorite for his mildly Byronic appearance) Governor of Antioquia and former Mayor of Medellin Sergio Fajardo to pitch in with a bid too. The former mayor of Bogotá Gustavo Petro will  call out to the populists from his balcony but I fear the wind will be sucked from the sails of his political ship by the popularity of Claudia Lopez.

Morrongo? All of them of course! Ordoñez, Lopez, Vargas Lleras, Fajardo, Petro and beyond are all capable of being Morrongo in the battle for the presidency. As Colombians say, a Morrongo is capable of throwing a stone and then hiding their hand to avoid capture. A Morrongo will express shock and outrage at corruption but will endorse corrupt regimes or businesses and on the examples go.


So, here’s to 2017 the year of the Morrongo in Colombia.

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Disarray and Uncertainty in Colombia after Peace Deal Rejected

Top-level negotiations take centre-stage but the real victims remain in the countryside

As Colombia stumbles from tumultuous fanfare on the international stage to national political disarray in the space of two weeks, the population is left mulling what could have been against an uncomfortable backdrop of uncertainty, polarization and an attitude of radical Pyrrhonism towards the ruling political elite. Oh, and there was a Nobel too!


President Santos signing peace on September 26. This agreement was rejected in the referendum on October 2

On September 26, as UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon lauded the peace agreement in white at the Cartagena Convention Centre and the twitter-sphere was replete with good-natured jesting at the expense of FARC commander-in-chief, Rodrigo Londoño Echeverri alias “Timochenko” who perhaps reacted with all too realistic panic when an air force Kafir soared overhead in premature celebration. By 5.30pm on October 2 once the final results of the plebiscite referendum were made clear, there was no such witticism and Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos was left mulling over where it all went wrong. All roads in Colombia, it appears, lead to former President Alvaro Uribe.

With the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC guerrillas), for now, now occupying the moral high ground with regards to the possibilities of renegotiating the peace accords and the right-wing Uribista Democratic Centre party moving from spoilers to significant political protagonists, everything is on the line. What we are party to in the Colombian media is not perhaps the most telling barometer for a successful outcome to any future renegotiated peace agreement as all discussions are being held at the top-level between high-ranking political actors in government, members of the Government’s negotiating team and the FARC Secretariat.

On Sunday night after the results, Timochenko declared, in a brief statement from Cuba, that his organization will to continue its commitment to peace though he did not present any clear strategy. President Santos’ televised offering, most notable due to its delay in coming an hour and a half after the unanticipated outcome, was very much in the same vein: “I will not give up and will continue to strive for peace until the last-minute of my mandate,” he said, adding that a bilateral cease-fire between the two sides remains in place. The president later stated that this ceasefire will only extend to as far as October 31, but can be prolonged.

Colombian Politics

Let’s talk about peace. Seen near the Universidad Pedagogica in Bogota

The victims of the 52-year armed conflict – who, for the first time, had their voices heard in a peace dialogue –  are inconsolable and bereft of hope after the voting swung in favour, albeit marginally 50,2 per cent to 49,8 per cent representing a difference of 55,853 votes, of the No campaign. Some blame can be apportioned to Hurricane Matthew causing voters on the Caribbean coast to stay at home.

“We feel that the urban population doesn’t understand the reality and the needs to end this conflict. It was a huge opportunity for us and we missed it,” said Leyner Palacios, a survivor of the massacre in Bojayá, Choco where in May 2002, 119 people lost their lives when a FARC cylinder bomb landed on the church where townspeople were sheltering during a battle between the guerrilla and the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC, right-wing paramilitaries).

It’s important to note that voter turnout was only 37% (revealing a worrying abstention rate of some 22 million citizens), and that those regions of the country which have suffered most from the guerrilla activities (the zonas rojas) and therefore where there were most victims, overwhelmingly voted “Yes” to the peace agreement, in spite of its perceived imperfections. This included towns and regions previously strafed by violence and massacres such as Ovejas, El Salado, Bojayá, Toribio, Barbacoas, Apartado, La Macarena and Buenaventura to mention just a few of the more recognized locations.

While Colombians who backed the “No” campaign are celebrating the victory of democracy it’s hard to accept this argument since the final argument appears to be a popularity contest and three-way contest between President Juan Manuel Santos and former President Alvaro Uribe and a profound and widespread mistrust of the FARC and the nation’s staid political system.

“The negotiation should not end up being between Santos and Uribe, and neither between Uribe and the FARC,” said Dr. Silvia Mantilla of Colombia’s National University and expert in Migrations and Conflict. “The negotiation should be between all of the aforementioned and the populations of the peripheries of our society which voted Yes, they want peace. These are the people who live day-to-day in the conflict and who suffer deaths amongst their number. Between these people and those in the centre of the country, there is a huge gulf, a historical debt owed over their rightful lands, lands which need to be redistributed and these are the victims which we have to compensate,” continued Dr. Mantilla.

the distant countryside in the department of Caqueta is still heavily militarised

the distant countryside in the department of Caqueta is still heavily militarised

With merely 37 per cent of eligible voters turning out and under 51 per cent of those being the winning side, there is still a long way to go before concluding that it was true democracy. And so, as Colombia’s political landscape is in disarray as President Santos and his team scramble to protect what has been achieved with the FARC. The Government negotiating team was sent post-haste to Havana on October 3 to discuss events with their guerrilla counterparts while President Santos called upon all political parties to attend a meeting at the Palacio Nariño but Sen. Uribe’s Democratic Centre party – the referendum’s winners – has declined to attend suggesting that they too are improvising on this unexpected Plan B. Se. Uribe then agreed to some face time with President Santos three days later on October 5. Interestingly no mention has been made by Sen. Uribe on his declaration in July when the plebiscite vote was approved by the constitutional court by 7-2 that the process was “illegitimate”.

“With today’s result we know that our challenge as a political movement is even bigger,” Timochenko said on Sunday. The task ahead is nothing short of immense. How the terrain has changed since those almost halcyon days in the southern Llanos de Yari in September when the FARC was celebrating their 10th and presumably final conference as a military outfit.

If what is being revealed is nothing new in that Colombians neither trust the democratic process nor their politicians, then what of the rank and file of the guerrillas who have been assured of a positive exit to 52 years of conflict by the leaders? Middle-ranking guerrillas are particularly concerned that if they hand over their weapons, their top brass won’t be there to protect them.

At the location of the FARC’s 10th Conference in Yari, an area traditionally a bastion for the FARC rearguard dating back to the group’s emergence in the 1960’s, also referred to as Tranquilandia in some circles given that in the 1980s the Medellin cartel under Pablo Escobar would operate here with impunity in the production of their cocaine for exportation. It seemed appropriate that the FARC should congregate here for the conference and to discuss demobilization and the intricacies of the peace accords with their members. Top ranking combatants from the FARC’s Frente 1 – active in the departments of Guaviare and Vaupes – were in attendance, although notably absent was the holdout to the peace agreements Néstor Gregorio Vera Fernández alias ‘Iván Mordisco’ and his splinter group numbering some 90 people. Mordisco is reportedly sacking FARC camps, stealing any money found and re-investing it into further cocaine trafficking.

Mordisco and his men have made the headlines for their dissidence during the peace dialogues as in December 2015 they broke the FARC’s unilateral ceasefire, in July of this year they declared through a communique that they would not be complying with the agreements reached and during the plebiscite vote on October 2 they are believed to be responsible to an attack on the voting station in Miraflores, Guaviare.

If, as feared, the political negotiations between President Santos and members of the Democratic Centre party prolong, there are several ominous possibilities which could occur according to Adam Isacson and his team at the Washington Office on Latin America. Since the referendum was rejected, FARC guerrillas are “technically fugitives,” and their transfer to the 28 zones of concentration for 180 days and disarmament observed by the UN is now on hold. “Without verification and concentration, the ceasefire may become unstable.” And if these guerrillas, mainly middle and low-ranking members, feel that the Government won’t keep their end of the deal, then there’s the possibility of a “disintegration of the FARC into structures that would be impossible to demobilize.”

Speaking on the condition of anonymity, a state employee for the Colombian government based in Guaviare and with contact with the FARC’s dissident Frente 1 suggested that they may be another way forward in how Mordisco and his men are dealt with before their numbers can balloon and they control completely the lucrative cocaine transshipment routes to Brazil and Venezuela.

“The FARC members keen on supporting the peace agreement signed in Havana, and seeing the threat presented by dissident groups, have suggested that Mordisco and his men are now potentially subject to a guerrilla tribunal and will be expelled from the FARC or potentially executed,” he said.

Certainly, if this is the case, then there is a proven desire from middle and high-ranking FARC combatants to exit the conflict through negotiated means.


One of the FARC’s biggest fears is that the government will not be able to protect them from paramilitary groups. Additionally, members of the guerrilla could defect to the Bacrims

But, there remain further risks should a disintegration of the FARC occurs. Not only are there reports surfacing that various newly formed criminal gangs or Bacrims such as the Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia – formed out of the former right-wing paramilitary groups such as the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, Aguilas Negras and Urabeños – are offering large sums of money to guerrilla members to join their number. And not least, there’s the issue of Colombia’s second guerrilla group the National Liberation Army (Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional or ELN) which numbers around 2,500 combatants. The ELN may be significantly smaller in size than that FARC but, its members are strategically positioned around the country and continue to cause major damage to infrastructure, in particular in oil-producing and complicated regions of the country such as Arauca and Norte de Santander.

The ELN reportedly has already been recruiting dissident FARC members and moving into traditional FARC territory such as in the department of Meta. Now that FARC guerrillas are all but certain about their future, it is not unlikely the ELN ranks will swell with FARC members worried about the government’s ability to see through their promises, the continued political uncertainty they face and the very real threat of reprisals attacks and killings at the hands of paramilitary groups. Peace talks with the ELN, which have been fractured at best, even through the exploratory stages, are set to go ahead soon.

Colombia’s volatile political dynamic, which had abated somewhat during the final months of the peace dialogues, has flared up to expose the fundamental problems which continue to afflict the country. The plebiscite vote, which exposed President Santos’ vanity and complacency has provided the kiss of life to a political party, the Democratic Centre, which was at risk of an early demise in the event of the Yes vote winning, has now been granted a new and powerful lease of life.

peace in Colombia

San Juan Lozada, Meta. This overlooked town voted overwhelmingly in favour of peace

What is happening in the Colombian countryside as this uncertainly continues? What the FARC wants is to be able to abandon guerrilla struggle without having its members massacred and the possibility to defend its policies via legal means. The Colombian state wants to end the armed conflict in order to create better conditions for economic investment, particularly in the countryside, including potentially attracting foreign capital.

President Santos is an extremely unpopular president, criticised both from the right by Sen. Uribe, but also from the left by the trade unions, student, farmer and social movements which have been mobilising against his policies of austerity and privatization. In this context many would have been rightly skeptical about his promises in the peace agreement.

Wide layers of the Colombian masses want a solution to their pressing problems of access to land, poverty, education, healthcare, housing, state violence, inflation, impunity of the paramilitary and army violation of human rights. They looked at Santos’ record on all those issues and couldn’t bring themselves to come out to vote.

President Santos wanted to use the referendum to receive personal legitimacy but it backfired. It is Sen. Uribe and his Democratic Centre party which have benefited. The accords have been rejected, Colombia is polarized and a peace process which included the victims of the conflict has been shot down. A viable deal can be resurrected but how to do so without compromising the guerrilla, creating a power vacuum in the countryside in traditional guerrilla territory, risking a breakup of the FARC’s more fractured Frentes in a move for self-preservation and complicating matters further by creating a situation where there is no defined central chain of command with whom to negotiate.

Now, it appears that serious decisions need to be made and as has been the practice in Colombia, those at the top will make them regardless of what the most-needy require. For now, there’s no notion of a return to war, but, the unease remains. The Santos administration must do several things. First, it must control the renegotiation agenda, and most of the deal should not be reopened, of course, the only issues which should be addressed are those which have been thorny to the No campaign. This is easier said than done when the President has a weak mandate and is unpopular. How long will the FARC wait?

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A Journey to unknown Colombia for the FARC’s X Conference

While all eyes may be on the vote on October 2 when the registered voting public in Colombia will – hopefully – turn out for Si or No on the peace agreements, it’s key to remember that the Government requires only 13 percent of the total (some 4,5 million votes) to achieve their goal of pushing through the accords, my personal concern is not the plebiscite referendum itself but the following 180 days and beyond.

Plebiscite vote in Colombia

Plebiscite vote in Colombia

FARC guerrillas will begin to demobilize after October 2 and will start to move to zones of concentration around the country where they will start the disarming process and then six months later, are presumably, in the eyes of the Government, ready for civilian life once again. They will receive a subsidy for two years but what happens when this source of income comes to an end?

Colombia has to construct an economy capable of generating adequate incomes for those who demobilize, firstly from the FARC and then presumably from the Armed Forces as there has to be some sort of military reform. It’s a crucial question. If incomes are not created, those who have demobilized face the tempting prospect of returning to arms to earn their money illegally. This is potentially worse than the actual armed conflict in Colombia since there will be no formal chain of command and no central control as there is now.

The majority of the guerrillas are from the countryside. Can we assume that most of them will want to return to the countryside and an agricultural existence? Will agriculture, small-scale cattle farming and so on be sufficiently economically viable to generate decent incomes? If they are small-scale farmers, their ability to negotiate with major industry players will be limited. Are the mechanisms in place to permit a commercialization of their products at reasonable prices?

Is the Colombian State truly invested and interested in helping them organize cooperatives so that there are channels for the distribution of their products? When and how and from where will the will and money come to build the byways and highways needed so that these people can transport their products? Will there be the technological assistance to permit innovation in this industry?

It’s a huge challenge ahead for the Government and the Banco de la Republica.

Farc conference

Farc flag

The FARC's X Conference

The FARC’s X Conference


On that note…..

However… it appears that the FARC conference has created a High Season for the Zona Roja

I will be travelling down to Caqueta and the Llanos de Yari along with perhaps 200 other journalists, both national and international, to the FARC’s X Conference.

So, I have a request for my readers and for the listeners of the Colombia Calling podcast as I will be recording Episode 156 from the camp alongside the guerrillas: 

Do you have any direct questions which you would like me to put to members of the FARC guerrillas during my time there at the conference?

Write the questions in the comments box below this post.

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